Wonderful Javanese Dance

Javanese dance is the dances and art forms that were created and influenced by Javanese culture. Javanese dance is usually associated with courtly, refined and sophisticated culture of the Javanese kratons, such as the Bedhaya and Srimpi dance. However, in a wider sense, Javanese dance also includes the dances of Javanese commoners and villagers such as Ronggeng, Tayub, Reog, and Kuda Lumping.

Javanese dance is usually associated with Wayang wong, and the palaces of Yogyakarta and Surakarta due to the nature of dance being a pusaka or sacred heirloom from ancestors of the palace rulers. These expressive dances are more than just dances, they are also used for moral education, emotional expression, and spreading of the Javanese culture.

Bedhaya Dance

The bedhaya (also written as bedoyo, beḍaya, and various other transliterations) is a sacred ritualized dance of Java, Indonesia, associated with the royal palaces of Yogyakarta and Surakarta. Along with the serimpi, the bedhaya epitomized the elegant (alus) character of the royal court, and the dance became an important symbol of the ruler's power.

The bedhaya has different forms in the two court cities, the bedhaya Ketawang in Surakarta (Solo), and the bedhaya Semang in Yogyakarta, the latter of which is no longer performed. The Solonese dance continues to be performed once per year, on the second day of the Javanese month of Ruwah (during May in the Gregorian calendar), to commemorate the ascension of the current Susuhunan (prince) of Surakarta. Nine females, relatives or wives of the Susuhunan, perform the dance before a private audience. An invitation to anyone outside of the inner circle of the court is a considerable honor.

History

Some kind of female dance known as bedhaya existed on Java at least as early as the Majapahit Empire.Indeed, some of the steps of the modern dance are said to be as old as the third century. However, the modern form is traditionally dated to the court of Sultan Agung of Mataram (reigned 1613–1645). Unfortunately there is almost no historical evidence to back up the claims made about the advances in the arts in Sultan Agung's courts, and the existence of the dance is not clearly documented until the late 18th century.


There are many myths which explain the origin of the dance, which generally have either an account of a meeting with an Indic deity (Shiva, Brahma, Vishnu, Indra, or the Buddha), or the meeting of Kangjeng Ratu Kidul, the Goddess of the South Sea, meeting with a founder of the Mataram dynasty, either Sultan Ageng or his grandfather, Senapati. In the former, the nine dancers were the creation of a deity, who were brought to life, and offered the dance to their maker in gratitude. In the latter, the dance was created when Kangjeng Ratu Kidul fell in love with the sultan, and danced the bedhaya for him; the nine dancers in the modern dance represent the spirit of the goddess.
Since the decline in the power of the royal courts, other, more accessible forms of bedhaya have become popular, not as religious ritual, but as artistic performance. These do not require the royal presence, and may be performed on stage for an admission fee. They frequently recount stories used in wayang.

The dance is held in a pendhapa, a pillared audience hall with a peaked roof, with the Susuhunan on a throne in the middle of the room. The dance is performed in three large sections. In each section, the dancers emerge from a room behind the audience hall, approach the throne single file, dance in front of the throne, and then retreat, again single file. They approach and retreat on opposite sides of the throne, thus circumambulating the throne in a clockwise direction, the appropriate direction for veneration in Buddhist and Shaivist traditions.
A name and number is given to each of the nine dancers, which designate a specific position in the changing choreographic pattern. There are slight variations between different sources in the names and numbers of the dancers, but there is consensus on the general forms. They are: a human being, representing taṇhā (the word for desire or craving in Buddhism), four chakras (the top three of which are used as note names; see slendro), and the four limbs:

1. èndhèl/èndhèl ajeg, "desire", "constant/fixed desire", "attachment"
2. pembatak/batak, "head", "mind"
3. gulu/jangga, "neck"
4. dhadha, "chest"
5. buncit/bunthil, "tail", "genitals", "lower end of spinal column"
6. apit ngajeng/apit ngarep, "right arm", "right flank", "front flank"
7. apit wingking/apit mburi, "left arm", "rear flank"
8. èndhèl weton/èndhèl wedalan ngajeng/èndhèl jawi, "right leg", "emergent desire", "front emergent desire", "outside desire"
9. apit meneng/èndhèl wedalan wingking, "left leg", "quiet flank", "rear emergent desire"

The first two sections of the dance each have three positions, with slight variations, while the last adds a final, fourth position. The first position is in the shape of a human being, with the first five dancers in a line down the middle, and those representing the right and left sides in front and behind (from the perspective of the Susuhunan), respectively. In the second position, the dancers divide into two facing groups, the arms and desire to one side, and the chakras and legs on the other. In the third section of the dance, there is an added section of an encounter between the desire and head dancers in the second position, while the other dancers squat. The third position places the dancers either in a row (Surakarta) or with the arms to one side (Yogyakarta), with desire in the middle. The final position is in a 3x3 grid (rakit tiga-tiga), with the three upper chakra centers in the middle column.

 

Kuda Lumping Dance

Kuda Lumping (literally flat horse; also known as Jaran Kepang in Javanese) is a traditional Javanese dance depicting a group of horsemen. Dancers "ride" horses made from woven bamboo and decorated with colorful paints and cloth. Generally, the dance portrays troops riding horses, but another type of Kuda Lumping performance also incorporates trances and magic tricks. When the "possessed" dancer is performing the dance in trance conditions, he can display unusual abilities, such as eating glass and resistance to the effects of whipping or hot coals. Although the dance is native to Java, Indonesia, it also performed by Javanese communities in Suriname, Malaysia and Singapore.

The origin of Kuda Lumping is uncertain. Two main hypotheses have been proposed. The first suggests that Kuda Lumping may have arisen out of Diponegoro's war against the Dutch colonial forces, as a ritual reenactment of battles. The second argues that it is based on Mataram-era troops riding against the Dutch.

Kuda Lumping is known under different names in different areas. While Kuda Lumping is the most common name in West Java, in Central Java it is known as Jaran Kepang; in Bali, it is known as Sang Hyang Jaran. In Bali Sanghyang dance refer to the type of dance involving trance by spirit identified as hyang.

Kuda Lumping may be performed in celebration of a special event, such as a boy's circumcision or rite of passage.^] It may also be performed as entertainment, in a busker style. It is generally performed in a cordoned-off area, with the audience separated from the dancers.

Kuda Lumping is traditionally performed by a group of men drawn from the local community; this group can number from 2 to 8. The performers mount rattan horses and dance while traditional instruments such as the angklung, gongs, and dog-dog drums are played.^] This portion of the performance ends when a dancer enters a trance, which is traditionally said to be caused by spirit possession. In Sang Hyang Jaran, the audience may participate by forming a chorus and singing.

During their trances, the dancers may pretend to eat grass or drink water, while another performer or shaman uses a whip to direct them. In some performances, dancers may walk on coals or eat glass or fire, which can cause various injuries. The dancers also interact with the audience; in busker performances they may ask for money. In some areas the dancers serve as oracles to deliver prophecies. After awakening from their trances, performers claim not to remember anything done while performing.

Dancers perform using rattan horses, generally colourful and decorated with beads and sequins. Adults use larger horses than children. Children's horses may also be cut from bamboo mats. Performers wear colorful clothes and may occasionally dress as soldiers. The costume may also include small bells strung around the ankle. In comparison to the shaman, the dancers' costumes are more feminized  (wikipedia.org)

Funtastic Indonesian Dance

Topeng Bali (Indonesian for "mask") is a dramatic form of Indonesian dance in which one or more mask-wearing, ornately costumed performers interpret traditional narratives concerning fabled kings, heroes and myths, accompanied by gamelan music.

It is believed that the use of masks is related to the cult of the ancestors, which considered dancers the interpreters of the gods. Topeng performances open with a series of non-speaking masked characters which may not be related to the story to be performed. These traditional masks often include Topeng Manis (a refined hero), Topeng Kras (a martial, authoritarian character), and Topeng Tua (an old man who may joke and draw-out the audience).

The actual story is narrated from a Penasar, a jawless half-mask which enables the actor to speak most clearly. In group topeng, there are usually two penasars providing two different points of view. The performance alternates between speaking and non-speaking characters, and can include dance and fight sequences as well as special effects (sometimes provided by the gamelan). It is almost always wrapped-up by a series of comic characters introducing their own views. The narrators and comic characters frequently break western conventions of storytelling by including current events or local gossip to get a laugh.

n topeng, there is a conscious attempt to include many, sometimes contradictory, aspects of the human experience: the sacred and the profane, beauty and ugliness, refinement and caricature.A detailed description and analysis of "topeng pajegan," the one-man form of topeng, is available in "Masked Performance" by John Emigh, a western theater professor who has become a performer of Balinese topeng himself.

Barong Bali Dance

Barong is a lion-like creature and character in the mythology of Bali, Java, Borneo, Andalas, Indonesia. He is the king of the spirits, leader of the hosts of good, and enemy of Rangda, the demon queen and mother of all spirit guarders in the mythological traditions of Bali. The battle between Barong and Rangda is featured in Barong dance to represent the eternal battle between good and evil

In Balinese mythology, the good spirit is identified as Banas Pati Raja. Banas Pati Raja is the fourth "brother" or spirit child that accompanies a child throughout their life, which is a similar concept to guardian angels. Banas Pati Raja is the spirit which animates Barong. A protector spirit, he is often represented as a lion. The Barong is often portrayed accompanied by two monkeys. Barong is portrayed as a lion with red head, covered in white thick fur, and wearing gilded jewelry adorned with pieces of mirrors. The shape of lion Barong is somewhat similar to a Pekingese dog.

The lion is the popular one, as it comes from the Gianyar region, where Ubud (the home of tourist's Balinese dance ritual viewing) is located. Within the calon arang, the dance drama in which the Barong appears, the barong responds to Rangda's use of magic to control and kill her to restore balance. In traditional Barong dance performances, he is portrayed in his struggles against Rangda, it is the popular part of Balinese culture. The mythical creature would dance along the street to the calon arang dance. A priest would throw holy water at it.

• The dance opens with two playful monkeys teasing Barong in a peaceful environment.
• The next scene is popularly known as "Keris Dance". The Rangda character appears and wreaks havoc. She casts black magic upon male dancers, who represent Airlangga's soldiers, and orders them to commit suicide. In a trance, these men stab themself on their chest with their own kris. Meanwhile Barong and the priest cast protective magic on these men, which makes them invulnerable to sharp objects.
• The dance ends with the final battle between Barong and Rangda, concluding with the victory of Barong over Rangda. Rangda runs away, the evil is defeated, and the celestial order is restored.

Indonesian Dance: Balinese Dance

Wikipedia's Photo: Legong Dance

Balinese dances are a very ancient dance tradition that is a part of the religious and artistic expression among the Balinese people.

In Bali there are various categories of dance, including epic performances such as the omnipresent Mahabharata and Ramayana. Certain ceremonies at village temples feature a special performance of a dance-drama, a battle between the mythical characters Rangda, the witch representing evil, and Barong, the lion or dragon, representing good.

Among the dance traditions in Bali, the following deserve special mention:

• Barong
• Legong
• Kecak

Bali dancers learn the craft as children from their mothers as soon as they are born, in the womb they are played the Balinese music and are taught to dance with their hands before they can walk. Official training as a Bali dancer starts as young as 7 . In Balinese dance the movement is closely associated with the rhythms produced by the gamelan, a musical ensemble specific to Java and Bali. Multiple levels of articulations in the face, eyes, hands, arms, hips, and feet are coordinated to reflect layers of percussive sounds.

The number of codified hand positions and gestures, the mudras, is higher in India than in Java or Bali. It has been speculated that they have been forgotten as the dance was transmitted from India to Java. Hand positions and gestures are nonetheless as important in Javanese and Balinese dance as in India. Whether in India, Indonesia or Cambodia, hands have a typically ornamental role and emphasize the dance's delicate intricacy.

Barong Dance

Legong Dance

Kecak Dance

A Glances Of Baduy Culture

ENGLISH - INDONESIA)

Photo: Harry Setianto

Indonesian Culture – indonesiaculture.net. The eccentricity of the Baduy people remains intact to this day where only very few local traditions are capable of withstanding assaults of modern civilizations. A maxim “Not knowing elicits indifference,” perhaps may encourage us to preserve Baduy’s culture. An Indonesia Culture team was fortunate to directly visit and interact closely with the Baduy community and possibly, you may be privileged to possess this experience.

Baduy tetap eksentrik hingga kini, hanya sedikit tradisi lokal yang mampu bertahan dari serangan kebudayaan modern. Ungkapan Pepatah “Siapa yang tak kenal maka tak sayang”, mungkin dapat merangsang kita untuk melestarikan kebudayaan Suku Baduy. Kali ini Tim IndonesianCulture.net beruntung dapat mengunjungi langsung dan berinteraksi secara intim dengan masyarakat Suku Baduy, dan mungkin suatu kali anda pun berkesempatan mengujunginya .

The Jakarta sun had reached its height when the Indonesia Culture Team departed from the Indonesia capital towards the villages of the Badui Tribe, by means of backpacker routes via an economy electric train from Tanah Abang, Jakarta en route for Rangkas Bitung Train Station. The train trip only cost two thousand rupiahs and more or less two hours of journey.

Matahari Jakarta sudah tinggi ketika Tim IndonesiaCulture.net meninggalkan Jakarta untuk wisata budaya ke perkampungan Suku Baduy. kami menggunakan rute yang kerap di tempuh para backpacker, yakni menggunakan kereta KRL ekonomi dari Jakarta, tepatnya Tanah Abang menuju Stasiun Rangkas Bitung. Dengan kereta ini biaya yang dikeluarkan cukup murah hanya dua ribu rupiah, dan waktu perjalanan pun kurang lebih dua jam.

Arriving in Rangkas, we stopped by a market for a quick lunch and bought sugar, coffee and fish to be later given to our guide. It has become a custom for visitors to bring presents to the Badui community. After filling our stomachs and purchasing goods for gifts, we continued our journey.

Sesampainya di Rangkas kami mampir ke pasar untuk makan siang dan membeli sedikit buah tangan berupa; gula, kopi dan ikan yang akan kami berikan kepada pemandu perjalanan nanti. Sudah menjadi kebiasaan bagi para pelancong yang akan bertamu untuk memberikan sesuatu bagi masyarakat Baduy. Setelah perut kami terisi, dan barang-barang kebutuhan sudah dibeli kami melanjutkan perjalanan kembali.

From Rangkas, we rode a red mikrolet 07 public transportation towards Terminal Cirende. The journey took thirty minutes and two thousand rupiahs.

Dari Rangkas kami naik mobil angkutan sejenis mikrolet 07 berwarna merah dengan tujuan Terminal Cirende. Waktu tempuhnya hanya tiga puluh menit dengan biaya dua ribu lima ratus rupiah.

A diesel engine vehicle locally called ‘elp’ became our means of transportation towards Ciboleger Village. This village is the last modern age village upon entrance into the Badui region. Costs towards Ciboleger were 12.500 IDR and about two and a half hour of travel.

Angkutan bermesin disel yang kerap disebut elp menjadi angkutan yang kami tumpangi menuju Desa Ciboleger. Desa ini menjadi desa modern terluar sebelum kita memasuki wilayah baduy. Tarif menuju Ciboleger sebesar Rp. 12.500, biaya ini sesuai mengingat jaraknya yang cukup jauh dengan waktu tempuh menuju desa terluar ini sekitar dua jam tiga puluh menit.

Nature’s beauty began to reveal itself more clearly in the trip to Ciboleger village but due to the elp’s speed and bumps in the roads, the sceneries quickly faded into the background. We later began to really take pleasure in nature’s splendor during the walk up the beaten path towards the Badui village.

Keindahan alam sudah mulai terasa dalam perjalanan mobil menuju Desa Ciboleger. Tapi belum dapat kami tangkap secara baik, sebab dalam perjalan mobil kali ini, keindahan alam melintas cepat seirama dengan goncangan mobil dari aspal yang berlubang dan georafis jalan yang naik-turun serta berliku. Keindahan alam baru benar-benar dapat kita nikmati nanti saat menempuh jalan setapak menuju perkampungan Baduy.

Upon reaching Ciboleger village, we encountered numerous people offering motorbike taxi and guide services. Tourists are advised to contact their own guides before starting the trip where for reliability sake’s, its best to have the guide’s company beginning at Ciboleger village. But if one does not already possess a guide, it is also recommended to get in touch with travel agents or nature lover communities that have networks into the Badui society. Ciboleger village guides are experienced and are used to guiding tourists, though.

Sesampainya di Desa Ciboleger, kami melihat banyak jasa ojek dan jasa pemandu. Namun bagi para pelancong, jika telah memiliki kontak, sebaiknya menghubungi pemandunya lebih dahulu, sebelum memulai perjalanan. Untuk lebih aman pemandu mulai mendampingi dari desa Ciboleger. Tapi jika tidak memiliki kontak, sebaiknya coba dulu menghubungi jasa travel atau komunitas pencinta alam yang memiliki jaringan ke masyarkat Baduy. Namun jika ternyata kontak juga belum didapat, anda tidak perlu ragu untuk berangkat ke Suku Baduy, sebab pemandu jasa setempat sudah terbiasa memandu para pelancong yang datang ke Baduy.

The Indonesia Culture Team was guided by Mr. Sadiman, an Outer Badui that lived not far from Ciboleger. One of our team had already been to the inner Badui and has been acquainted with Mr. Sadiman. Owing to that we immediately set out by foot towards his house that was located at the outer Badui village.

Tim IndonesiaCulture.net sendiri akan dipandu Bapak Sadiman, seorang Baduy Luar yang tinggal tidak jauh dari Ciboleger. Seorang dari kami, sebelumnya sudah pernah mengunjungi Baduy Dalam, dan juga sudah mengenal Pak Sadiman. Sehingga senja itu kami langsung berangkat berjalan kaki menuju rumahnya yang berlokasi di perkampungan baduy luar.

Introduction by Flashlight

Berkenalan Menggunakan Senter

It was pitch dark when we traversed the path towards the outer Badui village guided by distant glimmering lamps from inside the village homes. The outer and inner Badui societies to this moment do not use electricity which left us in bleak darkness upon arrival at Mr. Sadiman’s house.

Suasana malam pekat ketika kami menelusuri jalan menuju perkampungan baduy luar, hanya ada sinaran lampu kecil dari lentera yang bersinar redup dari dalam rumah penduduk. Perlu diketahui masyarakat Baduy Luar hingga kini tidak menggunakan listrik, begitupun Baduy Dalam. Sehingga ketika kami sampai ke rumah bapak Sadiman, rumah dalam kondisi gelap.

Not long after, Mr. Sadiman opened the door and invited us into his home. Because of the darkness Mr. Sadiman and the rest of us had to shine our flashlights onto each other’s faces to remember and recognized each other. Light conversation followed vw where we later spent the night at our guide’s home as scheduled.

Tak lama kami menunggu Pak Sadiman pun membuka pintu dan mempersilahkan masuk kedalam rumahnya. Karena kondisi gelap, kami dan Pak Sadiman saling menyerterkan wajah satu sama lain untuk mengingat dan mengenali wajah satu sama lain, dan obrolan ringan pun berlanjut. Sesuai rencana awal, kami akan menginap di rumah pemandu.

The morning sun shone brightly and the Badui people started carrying out their activities, passing by through the foot paths beside our abode, hauling farm yields to Ciboleger and its surrounding vicinity. After the sun shifted higher in the sky, we were guided by Mr. Sadiman towards the Gazebo area.

Matahari pagi bersinar cerah, masyarakat Baduy memulai aktivitasnya sejak pagi hari. Mereka berlalu lalang melintasi jalan setapak rumah yang kami tinggali membawa hasil buminya ke daerah Ciboleger dan sekitarnya. Setelah matahari agak tinggi kami dipandu Pak Sadiman melanjutkan perjalanan ke Daerah Gajebo.

Nature in the Badui region was unscathed, there were no illicit logging, no excessive natural resource exploration and no scorching of grass. Nature sang out a lovelier tune in the Badui village.

Alam di wilayah baduy seolah belum terjamah dan masih asri. tidak ada penebangan pohon sembarangan, tiada eksplorasi kekayaan alam berlebihan, tidak ada pembakaran rumput. Alam bersenandung lebih merdu di perkampungan Baduy.

Badui Local Wisdom

Kearifan Lokal Suku Baduy

The Badui society retains a comprehensive view of life, that between the Creator, people and the universe, all are related one to another in accordance to their belief, which must be adhered firmly. Therefore, to obtain happiness, one may not choose one from another where its teachings become statutes and  forbiddances, well observed by the whole Badui society.

Masyarakat Suku Baduy memiliki sudut pandang komprehensif tentang kehidupan, yakni antara Sang Pencipta, masyarakat dan alam semesta. Kesemuanya menurut keyakinan mereka saling terkait, dan harus di pegang teguh. Maka Untuk mendapatkan kebahagiaan, tidak bisa memilih satu diantara yang lainnya. Penjabarannya adalah adanya perintah dan  larangan yang hingga kini masih di pegang oleh seluruh masyarakat suku baduy.

The Badui comunity is seperated into two communities of outer Badui that have absorbed modern civilization to a certain degree and inner Badui that totally rejects modernity. Between the two societies, we may be able to distinguish one from the other from the dark blue head bands worn by the inner Badui and white head bands and barefoots by the outer Badui.

Masyarakat Suku baduy sendiri juga terbagi menjadi dua, yakni masyarakat Baduy luar yang sudah sedikit-banyak menerima peradaban modern. Serta masyarakat Baduy Dalam yang tidak menerima sama sekali peradaban modern. Antara kedua masyarakat tersebut kita tetap dapat membedakannya. Masyarakat Baduy Dalam mengenakan Ikat kepala berwarna Biru tua, sedangkan masyarakat Baduy Dalam mengenakan ikat kepala putih serta tidak mengenakan alas kaki.

The following is a portion of  the badui’s beliefs in preserving their environment:

Berikut kami nukil salah satu keyakinan masyarakat Baduy terkait menjaga kelestarian lingkungan serta ajaran yang mereka yakini, yaitu:

Mountains may not be dissolved

Valleys may not be dispersed

Forbiddances may not be altered

Gunung tak diperkenankan dilebur

Lembah tak diperkenankan di rusak

Larangan tak boleh diubah

Length may not be curtailed

Shortness may not be lengthened

Panjang tak boleh dipotong

Pendek tak boleh disambung

What’s wrong must be rejected

Prohibitions must be forbidded

Virtue must be upheld

Yang bukan harus ditolak

Yang jangan harus dilarang

Yang benar haruslah dibenarkan

Intelligent and upright

Humans supposed to be

Pintar dan benar

Itulah seharusnya manusia.

Their dedication to society principles may be reflected upon their home architecture of accomodating the uneven ground structure and not leveling it, as most modern day builders do.

Keteguhan atas prinsip masyarakat ini terlihat juga dari bentuk arsitektur rumah mereka. Jika mereka ingin mendirikan bangunan diatas tanah yang tidak rata/ miring, mereka tidak mencangkul dan meratakan tanahnya, melainkan dengan membangun struktur rumah sesuai dengan kemiringan tanah.

These tradition also requires all visitors entering the Badui region to respect the values of the Badui people  such as by not taking pictures, not bringing soap or toothpaste that may pollute the river waters, among others.

Tradisi ini juga mensyaratkan setiap pendatang yang memasuki wilayah Baduy dalam, untuk menghormati tradisi masyarakat Baduy. Seperti halnya tidak mengambil foto, tidak membawa sabun dan pasta yang dapat mencemari air sungai dan sebagainya.

To fulfill daily needs, the Badui people plant and raise crops, make handycrafts and clothing. Badui traditions forbid farm practices of plowing, hoeing or digging the ground where instead they practice a shifting pattern, relocating from one location to another at certain time cycles allowing farm spots to grow fertile again for its next planting cycle.

Sedangkan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan hidupnya, sebagian Masyarakat Baduy ada yang bercocok tanam, membuat kerajinan tangan dan menenun. Untuk bertani tradisi masyarakat Baduy menharamkan membalik bumi (mencangkul, menggali dll), untuk itu masyarakat menggunakan pola cocok tanam berpindah-pindah lahan dengan siklus waktu tertentu. Hal ini dimaksudkan agar lahan yang telah di pakai bercocok tanam dapat kembali subur pada siklus berikutnya

Handycraft like hand bags from tree skin and others are not hand made by the local women alone but also by Badui men, in between their farm work. Weaving clothe are mostly done by women where almost every Badui home has these weaving tools.

Kerajinan tangan, seperti membuat tas dari kulit pohon dan lainnya, di lakukan tidak hanya oleh kaum hawa, kaum adam dari suku baduy pun turut membuat, tentunya disela-sela aktifitas berkebunya. Sedangkan untuk menenun sebagian besar dilakukan oleh kaum hawa, dan hampir setiap rumah masyarakat baduy memiliki alat untuk menenun. Hasil kerajinan tangan dan tenunan ini biasanya di perjual-belikan kepada pelancong yang datang, tentunya dengan harga yang tidak terlampau mahal

The Badui people draws from nature only for life consumption purposes and not more. Consequently throughout the trip, we were brought to admiration upon the dynamic interaction between the lives of Badui people and nature.

Masyarakat Baduy mengambil sesuatu dari alam sebatas untuk konsumsi kebutuhan hidupnya, tidak lebih. Alhasil selama perjalanan ini, dengan kagum kami menyaksikan langsung kehidupan dinamis antara masyarakat Baduy dan alam.